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UPDATE: Saturday, June 12, 2010      The Japan Times Weekly    2009年9月12日号 (バックナンバー)
 
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Democratic Party of Japan prepares to take over the government
(From The Japan Times Sept. 2 issue)

 


要約
政権移行への準備を進める民主党

The Democratic Party of Japan is making preparations for taking over the government as the Diet is expected to choose DPJ leader Yukio Hatoyama as prime minister in the middle of September. It has to decide on the personnel lineup of the party itself and the new Cabinet while carrying out talks with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the People's New Party (Kokumin Shinto) on forming a coalition. It needs to do these things quickly and smoothly.

After the Hatoyama Cabinet is formed, the new government and the DPJ must outline the fiscal 2010 budget. This means that they must change in a short time the governing system established by the Liberal Democratic Party during its nearly uninterrupted rule since 1955. With the Aug. 30 landslide victory in the Lower House election behind it, the DPJ's governing ability will be tested soon.

How successful the DPJ is in coalition talks with the SDP and Kokumin Shinto will have strong political implications. Although the DPJ has won 308 out of the 480 seats in the Lower House, it does not enjoy a majority in the Upper House. It will need to get cooperation from minor parties to secure a majority in that chamber.

The DPJ is likely to face difficulty especially in talks with the SDP, particularly over the overseas dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces. The SDP may push for tougher restrictions on the SDF's overseas missions, such as ending as soon as possible the Maritime Self-Defense Force's fueling mission in the Indian Ocean for navies engaged in antiterrorism activities. The SDP is also calling for enactment of Japan's three-point non-nuclear principle into law.

In the face of the DPJ's big win in the Lower House election, the SDP and Kokumin Shinto want to strengthen their identity, and may up their ante in coalition talks. Mr. Hatoyama has to prove his leadership by quickly working out a feasible coalition agreement with these parties.

The DPJ also must flesh out a mechanism for taking the policy development initiative from the hands of bureaucrats and increasing the accountability of the bureaucracy. A national strategy bureau to be set up directly under the prime minister for working out fundamental policies and a budget outline, as well as an administration renewal conference for detecting waste in the nation's budget and bureaucracy, will play an important role in breaking the close ties between bureaucrats and politicians representing vested interests prevalent under LDP rule.

As it becomes a governing party, what is most important for the DPJ is to ensure unity among party members and to strengthen it. This is all the more important because the party includes politicians and groups comprising a wide ideological spectrum. Mr. Hatoyama's leadership will be crucial, especially in making sure that Mr. Ichiro Ozawa, the former DPJ head who organized the Lower House election campaign and greatly contributed to increasing the party's strength, will not disrupt party unity.

Some 140 new DPJ candidates have been elected to the Lower House. Mr. Ozawa recruited many of them and coached them in their election campaigns. DPJ lawmakers close to Mr. Ozawa are a dominant force within the DPJ. He must not only nurture newcomers as reliable politicians but also cooperate closely with Mr. Hatoyama and other party leaders. It is imperative that the DPJ prevent the development of a dual power structure, with Mr. Hatoyama occupying one center and Mr. Ozawa another.

The DPJ also should have the courage to withhold promises in its election manifesto if the party deems them as unreasonable after further study. One promise that may deserve reconsideration is toll-free expressways, which may cause financial and environmental problems, and deter development of public transport systems. In withholding promises, full explanations must be given to the public.

The Japan Times Weekly: Sept. 12, 2009
(C) All rights reserved
 

国会での鳩山由紀夫代表の首相選出を控え、政権移行の準備に入った民主党は、組閣と社民、国民新の2党との連立政権発足に向けた協議を円滑に進めなければならない。組閣の後は2010年度予算編成だ。1955年以来ほとんど切れ目なく続いた自民党支配によって築かれた統治システムを、短期間で変えることになる。8月末の衆院選圧勝を経て、今後は民主党の政治能力が試される。

社民、国民新党との連立協議は政治的に重要な意味を持つ。民主党は、特に自衛隊の海外派遣をめぐる協議で社民党との溝を埋めるのに苦心するだろう。社民はインド洋で給油活動を行なっている海上自衛隊の即時撤退など自衛隊海外任務の規制強化や非核三原則の厳守を求める可能性がある。

社民、国民新党は存在意義強化のために主張に固執するかもしれない。鳩山氏は早めに連立で実現可能な合意に達し指導力を発揮すべきだ。

官僚政治からの脱却と官僚の説明責任向上の具現化も必要だ。重要政策や予算の骨格策定にあたる首相直属の「国家戦略局」と、行政の無駄を洗い出す行政刷新会議は、自民党政権下で蔓延した政官の癒着撤廃に重要な役割を果たす。

与党となる民主党に最も重要なのは、幅広い政治思想を持つ党員たちの結束だ。特に今回の選挙戦を事実上指揮した小沢一郎代表代行が結束を乱さぬよう鳩山氏には指導力が求められる。

実情にそぐわない選挙公約を実行しない勇気も必要だ。高速道路の無料化は財政や環境の問題、公共交通機関の衰退といった問題があり、再考を要する。公約実行を控える際には国民に十分説明すべきだ。

The Japan Times

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