Mr. Sharon strikes again

シャロン首相の一方的措置

Mr. Sharon's announcement has enraged the right in Israel. It has worried Palestinians and Americans who fear that it is an end run around the "road map," which is designed to create a two-state solution to the violence between Israelis and Palestinians.

Mr. Sharon said the Palestinian failure to implement the road map -- the peace process worked out by the United States, European Union, Russia and the United Nations -- would require him to take unilateral action to protect Israel. If the Palestinian Authority did not live up to its end of the deal "in a few months," Israel would unilaterally pull back from land it seized in the 1967 Mideast War, relocate settlements and withdraw troops.

At the same time, Israel would speed up construction of "the fence," a vast barrier that is designed to permanently separate Israel from Palestinian territory and protect it from infiltration by terrorists.

While the prospect of an Israeli withdrawal would gladden many Palestinians, the land that Mr. Sharon would turn over would be less than the amount envisioned in the road map. Neither does the fence correspond to the boundaries of the occupied territories. According to reports, it cuts deeply into Palestinian territory and would constitute a land grab as it encloses some of the larger Israeli settlements.

Reaction to the proposal has been largely negative. The right wing in Israel, which has been one of Mr. Sharon's strongest constituencies, is outraged. It sees any withdrawal from occupied territory as a repudiation of the claim to the land of Israel promised in the Bible, and to the original Zionist vision of Israel. There are about 150 settlements in the West Bank and Gaza, with about 220,000 Jewish settlers. Ironically, Mr. Sharon helped set up some of the settlements he is proposing to abandon. Hardline settlers have vowed to do everything possible to replace Mr. Sharon if he attempts to dismantle any of the settlements.

Palestinians greeted the announcement of the withdrawal with some approval, but they are opposed to being given less land than allowed according to the road map. U.S. reaction was mixed. Washington liked Mr. Sharon's vow to continue to implement the road map -- to freeze settlements, stop providing incentives for settlers and to lift the travel restrictions that have crippled the Palestinian economy. But the attempt to impose a unilateral solution is not welcome. The United States called on Mr. Sharon and his Palestinian counterpart, Mr. Ahmed Qurie, to meet to discuss their differences.

Mr. Sharon's decision to move unilaterally is an attempt to regain the political initiative. The prime minister remains popular, but his policies have proven unable to staunch the violence that haunts Israel. Recent polls show that nearly two-thirds of Israelis would be willing to trade settlements for peace. And a consensus is emerging among the security forces that the settlements diminish Israeli security and cannot be defended. The high birthrate among Palestinians has raised fears that demographics threaten the identity of the Jewish state. By this logic, it is better to separate the two populations than risk an Arab majority in Israel.

The prime minister is threatened on the domestic front. His sons are being investigated for corruption and some say the scandal could reach Mr. Sharon. His party is bitterly divided -- between a wing that supports the prime minister and another that backs his old antagonist, former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. A peace deal would cement Mr. Sharon's place in the party and in history.

Any deal that delivers real peace would guarantee its authors a place in history. Unfortunately, the history of the region is replete with false peaces, false starts and unilateral attempts to impose a settlement. In other words, there appears to be no substitute for a negotiated settlement. Not even for Mr. Sharon.

The Japan Times Weekly
Jan. 3-10, 2004
(C) All rights reserved

      シャロン氏の発表で、イスラエルの右派は憤激し、パレスチナ自治政府、米政府当局はイスラエルが新中東和平案「ロードマップ」を放棄しようとしているとして憂慮している。

      シャロン氏は、パレスチナ側がロードマップで定めた義務を2、3ヵ月内に実行しなければ、イスラエルは占領地域から一方的に撤退、入植地を移転、軍を再配備するという。同時に、イスラエルはパレスチナ領土との「分離壁」の建設を急ぐ意向である。

      パレスチナ人は、イスラエルの撤退をよろこぶかも知れないが、イスラエルが返還する土地はロードマップの取り決めよりも少なくなる。

      イスラエル右派は、占領地からの撤退について、聖書に記されたイスラエルの領土権とシオニストのビジョンを否定するものだとして反発している。

      シャロン氏の一方的措置は歓迎できない。米国は、シャロン氏とパレスチナ自治政府のクレイ首相に協議するよう求めている。

      シャロン氏が一方的行動に出たのは、自身の政治的指導性の回復を狙ってのことである。氏は首相として人気はあるが、暴力の連鎖を政策で解決できていない。イスラエル世論の3分の2は、平和のためには入植地は放棄してもよいと考えている。イスラエル治安部隊のなかでも、入植地はイスラエルの安全を脅かす原因となるという意見が強い。

      シャロン氏の息子たちは腐敗疑惑で捜査の対象になっており、氏自身にも捜査が及びそうだ。イスラエル与党はシャロン派とネタニヤフ派に分裂しており、和平合意ができればシャロン氏はその歴史的立役者として認められるだろう。

      しかし中東の歴史は、和平工作の失敗と一方的措置の連続でもある。シャロン氏にとっても交渉による解決にまさるのものはないはずだ。